The ways in which nations interact with the world have, arguably
since the Industrial Revolution and even more so since the beginning of the
jet age, depended upon their corporations. Globalization, first through
rapid international physical transit and more recently through instant
access, at least concerning intellectual property/goods and transactions
surrounding that intellectual property as well as tangible properties
shipped and received, is making two things possible, one after the other.
The first is the inevitable knocking into each other of the old-world
methods of commerce, and those of the new world: the U.S. notably, of
course, but also Canada and the NAFTA trading partners, conceivably. The
second is that "the forces of globalization may be eroding the elements
that once made European corporations unique. Still, historically speaking,
and especially when compared with their American counterparts, European
companies exhibit enough common traits for us to speak of an old-continent
model'." (Amatori, 1999) Naturally, this makes a coherent antitrust
policy covering all parties a challenge.
Historically, the European model has seen the state as a major player
in the economy; as well, close relations between the banking and industrial
sectors reinforced this view and the fact of it. (Amatori, 1999) In the
U.S., historically, there has been reluctance to bring the state in as an
active player in the nation's economic life, and the relations between
banking and industrial sectors were anything but close. Indeed, they are
often adversarial. Likewise, European and U.S. views of who should benefit
from commercial life differ. Europe puts is emphasis on stakeholders,
while in the U.S., the emphasis is on shareholders. This has led to the
prevalent hostile takeover in the U.S., despite antitrust laws, something
seen less often in Europe. (Amatori, 1999)
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